It is not the boom in migration: it is the collapse of neoliberalism

According to Abraham Mendieta the Migrant Caravan revealed the greatest contradictions in Mexico. With this collaboration, Abraham starts a weekly column in San Diego Red.

The brief 20th century was understood as the tension between the Soviet bloc and the countries of capitalist Occidentalism and it was from 1917 to 1989, as Howsbawm stated.

The 21st century will be understood as two deeply related issues that will transform the way of life of the world’s population: work automatization and migrations generated by this phenomenon.

The first of these, of a systemic nature, is the end of employment as we know it, the exhaustion of labor power as an element of priority in the creation of capital: in short, close to total loss of the value in human manual labor in the market economy.

The automatization caused by the explosion of ICTs will replace more than half of the jobs we have today in the upcoming decades.

This is not a new element: the neoliberal’s shock doctrine offensive is applied to discipline salary as a secondary factor, which nowadays correlates directly to the daily precarization of the lives of millions of workers: the phenomenon of the poor (even more so) worker, if the laborer still works, the Marxist principle is no longer meet at the end of the month; that at the very least it will guarantee the same labor strength the next day.

Work is no longer enough for a decent lifestyle, and the effort in the capitalist model rebels as it always was: a lie that will does not guarantee the future.

This exhaustion of paid work is precisely what generates unprecedented population displacements. Soon, some continents like Asia, will not be able to absorb the billions of skilled workers for the job, and these, naturally will seek new areas of opportunities that will allow them to have a decent lifestyle for themselves and their families.

The Latin American region, not only is it not an exception, but it adds up to even more complex variables, such as the Honduran State coup against the democratically elected president, Mel Zelaya, generated unprecedented instability, confirmed in the fraud election a few months ago. Brazil is no exception: if Bolsonaro is a response to the arising exhaustion by the coup against Dilma, it will soon have its correlation in terms of migration and population.

Our America is a whirlwind of complexities and bravery, of humble but courageous people who do not allow the situation to which they have been condemned by the inefficient government to ruin their possibilities of a decent lifestyle as a family. The Migrant Caravan increased these contradictions with urgency and accuracy previously unknown.

The Caravan politicized what we all have know for a long time: politicizing is nothing more than making a contradiction evident in order to try to manage it, to never resolve it, because the contradiction is always unresolvable.

The new administration of Mexico has the opportunity to teach the world a lesson: to the genocidal Europe that pays Turkey to shoot migrants fleeing war, to United States of America who come unless they need and external enemy to ratify what they never were.

If Andres Manuel succeeds in creating a balance between the democratic commitment that no one is left out of virtues of state, such as healthcare, education or the right to housing, and the partial generation of employment which will promote regional development: its contribution will have reached far beyond a humanitarian aspect, and it will have become a reproducible model for well-being in supranational environments.

But one thing is certain: the salary as a well-being guarantor has been exhausted: we know it on the left-wing, but they also know it at the World Economic Forum. It is up to them, voluntarily and forcibly, and to us, to not stop urging the government and from everywhere, so that the world is a little bit more of all of us.





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