by Arq Jaime Martínez Veloz
I. The Border Doesn’t Invent Stories: It Unearths Them
The border tells stories in its own way. It doesn’t narrate so much as leak. It doesn’t organize: it drops truths like stones into water, leaving everyone to watch the ripples spread.
And this story, which involves the Baja California Governor’s audio recordings, didn’t begin in Washington, D.C., or in some federal office, or in a diplomatic suite. It began in Tijuana. It began in the shadow of a compadrazgo (cronyism). It began in the bumbling stupidity of a bad disguise. It began at the border, where lies cross faster than people do. And it began in the offices of PSN, Bonilla’s old stomping ground, the same station that refused to pay Lourdes Maldonado, the same place where he now huddles with confused pseudo-leaders and even more confused pre-candidates.

II. The Political Context: A Moment of Vulnerability
It was May 2025 when Governor Marina del Pilar lost her U.S. visa. At the border, losing your visa means losing a limb, politically speaking. It leaves you exposed. It cracks open a door that opportunists, the usual suspects, are all too eager to push through.
Into that climate stepped Jaime Bonilla: former governor, old-school political fixer, a man with deep networks and long, deliberate silences. Bonilla offered “help.” And as in any good Mexican tragedy, that help came with strings attached in the form of a compadre (close friend) and a godson.
III. The Players: A Fugitive Godfather And A Godson In Costume
- The Godson: Carlos Gil
Bonilla’s godson. He introduces himself as an “FBI agent.” He’s not. Never was. But at the border, where imagination often outruns the law, saying it aloud is enough to make people flinch.
His role in the operation was simple:
- pretend to have authority,
- manufacture threats,
- record illegally,
- and apply political pressure.
- The Godfather: Luis Armando Montes Trujillo
- Also known as Luis A. Trujillo.
- Also known as “writer.”
- Also known as “businessman.”
- Also known as “respectable gentleman.”
But behind the aliases hides a different story:
- a former inmate who escaped from the Tijuana penitentiary,
- slipping out in a visitor’s clothes,
- back when justice was a tamer beast.
Montes Trujillo is Bonilla’s compadre.
Carlos Gil is Bonilla’s godson.
And in Mexico, we all know: compadrazgos outlast political parties, outlive administrations, and cut deeper than any blade.
IV. The Operation: Binational Theater, Local Recordings
The scene reads like a border noir novel: Carlos Gil, putting on the officious tone of a man who mistakes lies for authority, warns of a supposed “U.S. military intervention in Baja California.” He rattles on about files, agents, federal offices, diplomatic threats. None of it is true. It’s all performance art.
Standing beside him, Montes Trujillo, the compadre, the fugitive, nods along, leans in, demands, pushes. He presses for urgent meetings, immediate negotiations, decisions that would entangle the Mexican state.
But his desperation isn’t political: it’s personal. It’s the panic of a man who knows his past is still on his heels and his future depends on a godfather’s protection. The recordings that later surfaced weren’t produced by any foreign spy agency. They weren’t part of an international intelligence operation. They were made in Tijuana, by these men themselves, with one purpose: to blackmail, to coerce, to break a governor’s will.
V. The Political Godfather: Bonilla And The Shadow That Lingers
The chain is clear:
- the fugitive compadre,
- the fake-agent godson,
- and the political godfather.
Bonilla didn’t press record.
He didn’t edit the audio.
He didn’t put on a costume.
But he did introduce these two operators to the Governor. He gave them his seal of approval. He opened the door for this binational fantasy to become a weapon of coercion. The operation wasn’t dreamed up in Washington. It was born in the borderlands of Bonillismo.
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VI. The Media Fixer: Simón Levy Exposes Them And Himself
Now we come to the missing piece: Simón Levy. In a recorded conversation with Carlos Alazraky, Levy said. with a smirk and no small amount of arrogance. that he had “used a couple of gringos from Tijuana to record the Governor.”
That sentence is political dynamite.
Because Levy:
- openly admits to committing a crime,
- confesses to participating in a covert scheme,
- acknowledges using foreigners to meddle in local politics,
- places the entire operation squarely in Tijuana,
- and lays bare the machinery others tried to keep hidden.
What the fugitive Godfather and the costumed godson did in the shadows, Levy bragged about in broad daylight. What they denied, he boasted of. What they tried to dress up as “help,” he revealed as a dirty trick. His confession doesn’t just incriminate them: it strips them naked.
VII. The Border as a Stage for Deception
The border is a strange creature: sometimes it feels like the U.S., sometimes like Mexico, and sometimes like no-man’s-land, where everyone writes their own rules.
In that blurry space, Carlos Gil and Montes Trujillo tried to build a fiction:
- that they were agents of the U.S. government,
- that they had access to classified files,
- that they could “help” the Governor get her visa back,
- that they could “shape” state politics.
But the fantasy crumbled the moment they tried to drag me into their performance. I know the border like you know an old wound and I saw through them. I walked away. I filed a complaint. And I took the case straight to the Presidency.
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VIII. Sovereignty Is What’s Really at Stake
This isn’t a local squabble. It’s not factional infighting. It’s not a simple power play. What’s on the line here is Mexican sovereignty.
Because when two citizens dress up as foreign agents, invent military threats, try to corner a governor, and attempt to bend the Mexican state with fabricated or manipulated recordings, they aren’t “doing politics.” They’re committing an act of aggression against the nation itself.
And when a third man like Simón Levy publicly admits to doing the same thing, that aggression stops being covert and becomes hard evidence. The border, that wound that never quite heals, is bleeding again.
IX. A Country That Needs to Listen
This article isn’t about settling scores. It’s a warning.
Because what happened in Baja California could happen anywhere in this country. Covert operators don’t respect state lines. Binational lies travel at the speed of fear. And sovereignty doesn’t defend itself.
Mexico deserves to know the truth: the Governor’s recordings weren’t the work of some foreign intelligence agency. They were the work of Jaime Bonilla’s godson, pretending to be an FBI agent, backed by his father, Luis Armando Montes Trujillo, a convicted fugitive from the Tijuana prison, Bonilla’s compadre, and an operative in a scheme to turn the border into a stage for extortion.
And they were exposed by Simón Levy himself who, laughing and full of himself, confessed to doing the exact same thing: using “Tijuana gringos” to illegally record the Governor.
The story is out. Now the country needs to read it.
The views, thoughts, and opinions expressed on this article do not necessarily reflect, in whole or in part, the official position of SanDiegoRed.